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Community organizing is one of the oldest and most documented strategies for social change, yet it occupies an ambiguous position in the nonprofit sector. Foundations are sometimes reluctant to fund it because it involves explicit power-building and political advocacy. Organizations practice it with varying degrees of sophistication and commitment. And the evidence base, while meaningful, is more difficult to build than evidence bases for direct service programs, because social change involves complex, contested processes that resist the controlled conditions that produce clean causal estimates. The core insight of community organizing is that durable social change requires changes in power relationships, not simply better programs or policies. Organizations that serve communities without building the power of those communities to advocate for themselves produce benefits that are contingent on the continued presence and resources of the organization. Organizing approaches build community capacity to identify problems, develop solutions, and exert pressure on the systems and decision-makers that shape the conditions of community members' lives. Saul Alinsky is the most historically significant figure in American community organizing, and the Industrial Areas Foundation tradition he founded has produced some of the most rigorously organized and longest-standing organizing networks in the country. IAF organizations work through congregations and institutions rather than individuals, building organizational relationships that create durable power bases. They train leaders through deliberate relational practices, including one-on-one conversations and structured leadership development, and they use power analysis to identify pressure points and strategic targets. The faith-based organizing tradition exemplified by IAF organizations differs from other organizing models in important ways. Working through institutions rather than individuals creates organizational density and resources that grassroots membership organizations struggle to match. It also introduces constraints: religious institutions have their own priorities, cultures, and internal politics that shape what campaigns are pursued and how they are conducted. The explicit power-building orientation of faith-based organizing can sit uncomfortably with congregational traditions that emphasize service and charity over advocacy and confrontation. Membership-based community organizations, which build power through direct recruitment and development of individual community members, take different forms. Broad-based organizations recruit across neighborhoods or issues, building coalitions that can address multiple priorities. Single-issue organizations focus their organizing on specific problems, such as housing, wage theft, immigration, or environmental justice, developing deep expertise and sustained relationships in particular domains. Evidence on organizing effectiveness is methodologically challenging because the outcomes of interest, policy change, increased civic participation, shifts in community power, and improvements in community conditions, are difficult to attribute to organizing alone in the absence of experimental designs. Several rigorous studies have demonstrated that well-implemented organizing programs increase civic participation, improve civic knowledge, and in some cases produce measurable policy changes. Research on the work of specific organizing networks documents campaigns that have won significant policy victories, though attribution in complex political environments is always uncertain. Labor organizing is a form of community organizing with a longer institutional history and a more developed evidence base, partly because union election outcomes are measurable and the legal framework creates more structured data. Research on union effects documents wage premiums for union members, particularly for workers without college degrees, and positive spillover effects on wages in non-union settings in high-union-density industries. The collapse of private-sector union density over the past five decades has contributed to wage inequality in documented ways. Recent union organizing campaigns at large employers have drawn significant attention and are producing new evidence on contemporary organizing dynamics. Digital organizing has expanded the tools available for organizing campaigns but has also created debates about whether online mobilization translates into durable political power. Research on online petition campaigns, social media mobilization, and digital fundraising documents their ability to reach large audiences quickly but raises questions about whether they build the deep relationships and organizational infrastructure that sustain campaigns over time. The most effective contemporary organizing typically integrates digital and in-person elements rather than relying exclusively on either. Organizational development for organizing groups faces distinct challenges from development for direct service nonprofits. Funders who are comfortable with program grants may be reluctant to fund organizing operations, base-building, or political advocacy even when these activities are central to the organization's theory of change. The Legal distinctions between lobbying and non-lobbying advocacy create compliance requirements that organizations must navigate carefully. And the cultures and accountability structures appropriate for organizing work may differ from those of traditional nonprofits in ways that create friction when the two models operate within the same organization.

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''Originally published June 9, 2017 on [https://docmoates.com/blog/community-organizing-models-evidence-and-power-in-social-change/ docmoates.com].''